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A large variety of the Bengali Christians are descendants of Portuguese voyagers. The bulk of Bengali Buddhists belong to the Bengali-speaking Baruas who reside in Chittagong and Rakhine. The overwhelming majority comply with the Sunni denomination though there are additionally a small minority of Shias. The Bengali Muslims kind a 90.4% majority in Bangladesh, and a 30% minority among the many Bengalis in japanese India. The categorisation of North Bengalis into Ghoti or Bangal is contested. Rangpuri speakers can be found in elements of Lower Assam, and the Shershahabadia group lengthen into Bihar.
They discovered that a lower socio-economic status of the women in a society gave the impression to be inversely related to the acceptance of wife abuse among each ladies and men in those societies . The findings of our study are according to a body of earlier studies that show a really high acceptance of wife’s physical abuse in rural Bangladesh [4, 12, 24, 44–46]. The earlier studies principally estimated the charges of the acceptance of wife beating , whereas our examine contains the estimates related to the wife’s emotional and physical abuse. This is why our findings would possibly apparently estimate a better price of acceptance of wife abuse than earlier research conducted within the country . Both the studies of Jesmin and Rani used large-scale knowledge units managed by reputed well being organizations, indicating that 32% and 36.6%, respectively, of Bangladeshi folks settle for wife beating.
She stepped into the showbiz as a contestant of Lux Channel I Superstar 2007. After going via days of exhausting work and different levels of expertise analysis, she was crowned the winner of the contest. Upon profitable the contest, she performed in legendary Bangladeshi novelist and film maker Humayun Ahmed’s film Amar Ache Jol.
The resolution paved the way in which for the Partition of British India based on the Radcliffe Line in 1947, despite attempts to form a United Bengal state that was opposed by many people. The first partition in 1905 divided the Bengal region bengalifreeporn.com in British India into two provinces for administrative and improvement purposes. This in flip led to the formation of the All India Muslim League in Dhaka in 1906 to represent the growing aspirations of the Muslim inhabitants.
Our study, on the other hand, categorically estimates that 34.1% of the respondents accepted the wife’s bodily abuse, while sixty seven.5% accepted emotional abuse and 71.6% accepted both physical or emotional abuse. These variations are probably as a result of our study incorporates more complete (e.g., both physical and emotional abuses) and sensitive points (e.g., if the woman is involved in an extra-marital affair) . The bivariate Poisson regression analysis further estimated that the Garo and Santal ethnic minority communities accepted less wife abuse than that of the bulk Bengali neighborhood . Table 3 also represents how other explanatory variables were related to the acceptance of wife abuse. It signifies that sex, age, training, occupation, household income, family residence, women’s mobility standing, and feminine authority inside the household were associated with the dependent variables.
Chinnamul was acknowledged as the primary neo-realist movie in India that deals with the partition of India. In rural areas, older women wear the shari while the younger technology wear the selwar kamiz, each with easy designs. In city areas, the selwar kamiz is extra well-liked, and has distinct fashionable designs. Traditionally Bengali men wore the jama, though the costumes such as the panjabi with selwar or pyjama have become extra well-liked throughout the past three centuries. The recognition of the fotua, a shorter higher garment, is plain amongst Bengalis in casual environments. The lungi and gamcha are a common mixture for rural Bengali males.
Since the response variables have been positively skewed depend information , we used Poisson regression . Coefficients of Poisson regression with log link perform, exp(β), additionally facilitated the interpretation of regression outcomes, a proportional effect of 1 unit change within the explanatory variable on the response variable . First, bivariate analyses were performed in order to see the ethnic variations in the different variables included within the survey questionnaire . Thereafter, multivariate Poisson regression was performed to discover the significant factors influencing the response variables. Using an analogous type of DHS instrument, previous studies additionally measured the attitudes towards wife beating in other countries like Armenia, Egypt, Ethiopia, India, Nepal, Nigeria, Pakistan, Palestine, and so on. [e.g., 1, three, 5, eight, 27, 28].
To ship this text to your Kindle, first guarantee no- is added to your Approved Personal Document E-mail List underneath your Personal Document Settings on the Manage Your Content and Devices page of your Amazon account. Find out extra about sending to your Kindle.Find out more about sending to your Kindle. An abstract is not available for this content material so a preview has been offered. Please use the Get access link above for data on the method to access this content. Most of the time, nonetheless, these individuals misjudge the power of these they attempt to oppress, and underestimate their energy to fight back.
Historically, the Garo group maintains a different socio-cultural tradition from the Bengali neighborhood. Garos are sometimes described as a matriarchal society in Bangladesh and India . They are said to be ‘female-centered’ since Garo women take pleasure in the next standing and freedom in each the family and neighborhood. Although the Garo society maintains some features of ‘matriarchy,’ they lack the social order to be solely dominated by the ladies. The Garo may be the instance of a female-centered and gender-equal society in rural Bangladesh.
Le retour en force des talibans depuis plusieurs mois et leur contraignent les puissances occidentales à évacuer d’Afghanistan leurs ressortissants, ainsi que les hommes et les femmes qui les ont accompagnés depuis 20 ans.
L’opération américaine en cours est marquée par un manque d’anticipation certain et rappelle l’évacuation en catastrophe de Saigon à la toute fin de la guerre du Vietnam en 1975. Des scènes issues des deux événements ont été mises en parallèle : gens en panique. Des images d’enfants afghans confiés par des adultes à des militaires américains renvoient au « Babylift » qui, en avril 1975, évacua du Vietnam plus de 2 000 enfants. Ce sont les accords de paix de Paris qui signent l’armistice. Tous les belligérants se réunissent le 27 janvier 1973 et se mettent d’accord pour terminer cette longue guerre dévastatrice.
Il est vrai que les deux épisodes interrogent des éléments essentiels de la relation des États-Unis au monde : leur (im)puissance relative, leur positionnement vis-à-vis de pays dans lesquels ils ont combattu pendant 20 ans, leur responsabilité envers les populations autochtones, leur (in)capacité à sortir la tête haute de ce qui est apparaît comme des échecs. Au terme de la guerre la plus longue de leur histoire — deux décennies —, et après avoir enrôlé dans leur croisade pas moins de trente-huit pays sous le commandement de l’Organisation du traité de l’Atlantique nord (OTAN), les États-Unis se retirent sur un fiasco absolu. Fort symboliquement, leurs troupes partent dans un sauve-qui-peut général, à l’approche du vingtième anniversaire des attentats du World Trade Center et du Pentagone, qui furent le prétexte à leur entrée dans Kaboul.
Pourtant, cette « bonne guerre », selon M. Bush (2001), cette guerre « juste », selon M. Obama (2011), menée contre « l’obscurantisme et la terreur », selon M. Nicolas Sarkozy (2008), en un mot « notre guerre », selon le chœur français des redresseurs de torts permanents, tels Bernard-Henri Lévy, Pascal Perrineau, Stéphane Courtois et quelques autres, devait protéger le monde des attentats et sortir les Afghans de la barbarie.
Les États-Unis ont bien commencé à aider militairement les moudjahidines afghans dès le début du mois de juillet 1979, soit près de six mois avant l’entrée des chars soviétiques à Kaboul. L’ancien directeur de la CIA (1990-1993) Robert Gates le reconnaîtra dans son premier livre paru en 1997, et Zbigniew Brzezinski, conseiller du président démocrate Jimmy Carter au moment de la crise afghane, le confirmera un an plus tard dans un entretien accordé au Nouvel Observateur : « C’est en effet le 3 juillet 1979 (que Carter) a signé la première directive sur l’assistance clandestine aux opposants du régime pro-soviétique de Kaboul. Et ce jour-là, j’ai écrit une note au président dans laquelle je lui expliquais qu’à mon avis cette aide allait entraîner une intervention militaire des Soviétiques. »
Zbigniew Brzezinski effectue alors une tournée promotionnelle de son maître ouvrage, le Grand échiquier, publié en France par Hachette, dans lequel il assume franchement le soutien américain aux fondamentalistes musulmans afghans, ancêtres du mouvement taliban. « Regretter quoi ? » répond-il au Nouvel Observateur : « Cette opération secrète était une excellente idée. Elle a eu pour effet d’attirer les Russes dans le piège afghan et vous voulez que je le regrette ? De fait, Moscou a dû mener pendant presque dix ans une guerre insupportable pour le régime, un conflit qui a entraîné la démoralisation et finalement l’éclatement de l’empire soviétique ». Puis il ajoute : « Qu’est-ce qui est le plus important au regard de l’histoire du monde ? Les talibans ou la chute de l’empire soviétique ? Quelques excités islamistes ou la libération de l’Europe centrale et la fin de la guerre froide ? »
Quelques mois plus tôt, le 27 septembre 1996, les talibans sont entrés victorieux dans Kaboul. Les moudjahidines soutenus jusqu’au retrait soviétique par la CIA sortent eux-mêmes d’une épouvantable guerre civile qui a détruit la capitale afghane. Les factions islamistes se sont déchirées entre les Tadjiks du commandant Massoud (Jamiat-e Islami), le chef de guerre Gulbuddin Hekmatyar, proche des Frères musulmans, et les talibans issus de l’ethnie pachtoune, qui sont toujours appuyés par l’ISI (Inter-Services Intelligence), les redoutables services secrets pakistanais. Mais depuis la dislocation de l’Union soviétique, l’Afghanistan n’intéresse plus guère ni la presse occidentale ni les intellectuels organiques de l’empire états-unien.
Quelques reportages glorifient certes la résistance d’Ahmed Chah Massoud dans sa vallée du Pandjchir, quand d’autres rapportent sporadiquement les « exploits » des nouveaux « mabouls de Kaboul » : interdiction des cerfs-volants, burqa obligatoire, lapidation des femmes adultères ou destruction des trois bouddhas géants de la vallée de Bâmiyân. Une étrange amnésie, tant l’islam fondamentaliste désormais au pouvoir en Afghanistan fut admiré, encouragé, et glorifié. « Le monde est fantastique. Leur âme se lit sur leur visage », se pâment les écrivains Pascal Bruckner et Guy Sorman ( le Figaro Magazine, 20 septembre 1986) à l’occasion d’un photoreportage sur les moudjahidines posant fièrement avec turbans noirs et kalachnikovs.
Cette année-là, sous l’œil bienveillant de la CIA – dont le chef, William Casey, anticommuniste forcené, a autorisé la livraison des fameux missiles Stinger qui vont abattre des dizaines d’hélicoptères soviétiques et provoquer un tournant dans la guerre –, les journalistes et autres philosophes engagés se pressent encore sur les sentiers de la guerre afghans, indifférents au sort des femmes, des progressistes, des athées, comme du jour d’après. Faisant fi de la logistique pakistanaise, des pétrodollars saoudiens comme de l’appui politique américain, les petits télégraphistes de Washington persistent à dépeindre des combattants en guenilles et vieilles pétoires, seuls face à l’armada russe.
Cette cause si ardemment défendue des moudjahidines afghans n’aura pas pour seule conséquence tragique la prise de Kaboul en 1996 par les talibans. Les supplétifs étrangers du mouvement, persuadés par la presse occidentale et son parrain américain d’avoir à eux seuls gagné la guerre, vont bientôt rentrer l’exporter dans leur propre pays, en particulier en Algérie. D’autres vétérans du djihad, à l’instar du Saoudien d’origine yéménite Oussama Ben Laden, expulsé du Soudan, se réfugient à leur tour en Afghanistan. Les « quelques excités islamistes », pour reprendre la formule de Brzezinski, abandonnés par leurs sponsors à l’exception du Pakistan et de quelques franges de la famille royale saoudienne, ne vont pourtant pas tarder à se rappeler au bon souvenir de l’Oncle Sam, et même lui rendre involontairement quelques menus services.
Au moment des attentats du 11 septembre 2001, les néoconservateurs à la Maison-Blanche recherchent désespérément un prétexte pour opérer un redéploiement militaire et garantir la suprématie des États-Unis. Côté démocrate, Brzezinski, futur conseiller de Barack Obama, milite pour une politique agressive de son pays en Asie centrale, autour de la mer Caspienne, pour faire main basse sur les gigantesques réserves de gaz et de pétrole détectées dans les anciennes républiques soviétiques. Aux frontières de l’Afghanistan.
Néanmoin les américains ont évidemment suréstimé leur force en entrant en Afghanistan. Le Washington Post a jeté une lumière encore plus crue sur les agissements des responsables américains avec la publication, le 9 décembre 2019, des « Afghanistan Papers » : plus de deux mille pages d’entretiens avec des acteurs directs, interrogés par le Bureau de l’inspecteur général spécial pour la reconstruction de l’Afghanistan (Sigar). Présidents, ministres et chefs d’état-major successifs ont délibérément menti à leurs concitoyens et au monde entier. Ni les objectives concrete, ni la volonté de construire le meilleur monde.
« Je n’ai aucune lisibilité ou visibilité sur qui sont les méchants. Nous sommes terriblement dépourvus de renseignements sur les personnes. », Donald Rumsfeld, ministre de la défense américain. Citation de 8 septembre 2003
« Nous n’avions aucune compréhension fondamentale de l’Afghanistan. Nous ne savions pas ce que nous faisions. Par exemple, sur l’économie. Nous devions établir un “marché florissant”. Nous aurions dû spécifier : car c’est la seule partie qui fonctionne. C’est vraiment bien pire que vous ne le pensez. Il y a un manque fondamental de compréhension au départ, avec des objectifs trop ambitieux, une dépendance excessive à l’égard de l’armée et un manque d’évaluation des ressources nécessaires. », Lieutenant général Douglas Lute, conseiller adjoint à la sécurité nationale pour l’Afghanistan et l’Irak de M. George W. Bush et de M. Barack Obama, puis représentant des États-Unis à l’Organisation du traité de l’Atlantique nord.
Il est vrais que l’économie de la drogue, qui s’est développée pour aujourd’hui générer environ , un montant qui représente 10 % du PIB national. L’Afghanistan, où les talibans avaient éradiqué en 2001 le pavot ( la production avait alors chuté de 90%.), est redevenu la principale source de l’héroïne mondiale tout . L’héroïne écoulée sur le marché américain vient essentiellement du Mexique, alors que c’est la drogue produite et raffinée en Afghanistan qui fait des ravages en Europe. Cette moindre vulnérabilité des Etats-Unis à la menace des stupéfiants afghans fait que le discours de « guerre à la drogue », en vogue durant les deux mandats de George W. Bush, est abandonné en Afghanistan par Barack Obama. En revanche, l’insurrection des talibans est caricaturée en « narco-guérilla », comme si elle était la cause principale de la production de drogue dans le pays. Les talibans peuvent-ils se passer de la manne de la drogue qui les a financés?
Le 17 août 2021, le Pentagone publie un rapport de 122 pages élaboré par le Sigar, qui dresse un bilan de ces vingt ans de guerre :
« Le gouvernement américain a maladroitement imposé des modèles technocratiques occidentaux aux institutions économiques afghanes. Il a entraîné les forces de sécurité au moyen de systèmes d’armes avancés qu’elles ne pouvaient pas comprendre, et encore moins entretenir. Il a imposé un modèle de droit formel à un pays qui réglait 80 à 90 % de ses différends de façon informelle. Il n’est que rarement parvenu à comprendre, et donc à vaincre, les obstacles culturels et sociaux à l’émancipation des femmes et des filles. Privés de ces connaissances de base, les responsables américains ont souvent délégué leur pouvoir à des agents qui s’en prenaient à la population ou qui détournaient l’aide américaine pour s’enrichir, devenir plus puissants ou soutenir leurs alliés. Le manque de connaissance intime des réalités locales signifiait que les projets destinés à atténuer les conflits les exacerbaient souvent, sans parler des cas où ils finissaient par financer les insurgés par inadvertance. »
Avec l’argent englouti par les États-Unis en vingt ans d’occupation de l’Afghanistan, on aurait pu offrir une voiture à chacun des 33 millions d’habitants de ce pays. En effet, selon les estimations de (équipe de spécialistes évaluant le coût des guerres), Washington a dépensé 2 313 milliards de dollars (1 951 milliards d’euros) depuis 2001. Soit 51 290 euros par Afghan ! 2 313 milliards de dollars, c’est également 120 années de PIB afghan (19,29 milliards d’euros en 2019).
Une guerre coûte longtemps. Quand on regarde dans le détail, on voit que 530 milliards de dollars (450 milliards d’euros) correspondent aux intérêts de la dette déjà contractée pour faire face au coût de la guerre. Cette somme n’inclut pas « les futurs paiements d’intérêts sur l’argent emprunté », prévient The Costs of War Project. Plus grave, 296 milliards de dollars (250 milliards d’euros) ont déjà servi aux soins pour les vétérans. Un chiffre condamné à grandir.
Le coût humain est le plus important. Les États-Unis ont perdu 2 442 soldates et soldats dans leur guerre afghane, mais également 3 936 contractants. Les armées afghane et pakistanaise ont payé le plus lourd tribut, avec entre 66 000 et 69 000 morts pour l’une et 9 314 pour la seconde. Ce conflit a fait, selon The Costs of War Project, pas moins de 241 000 victimes, en comptant tous les belligérants et victimes civiles.
Joe Biden avait promis qu’avec lui à la Maison-Blanche : « l’Amérique est de retour » sur la scène internationale. Depuis qu’elle est de retour à la maison, avec le retrait des forces états-uniennes d’Afghanistan, et la prise de Kaboul par les talibans dimanche, le chef de l’État est sous le feu des critiques dans son pays. Certains parlementaires, tels le chef de la commission des Affaires étrangères du Sénat, le démocrate Bob Menendez, se sont plaints que « l’administration Biden n’ait clairement pas pris la mesure des conséquences d’un retrait rapide ». Il est reproché à Joe Biden la prise de matériel militaire par les talibans. L’incapacité à évacuer rapidement les ressortissants états-uniens et les Afghans qui ont collaboré avec l’armée américaine est également mise en cause. Pour seule défense, Joe Biden estime que l’échec provient des faiblesses afghanes : le départ précipité du président Ashraf Ghani, qui a quitté le pays ce week-end, laissant Kaboul tomber dans les mains des talibans ; et la débandade de l’armée nationale afghane, pourtant forte de 300 000 hommes, qui a laissé conquérir les provinces une à une sans combattre.
Le départ précipité de Kaboul fâche les plus proches alliés de Washington. À Londres, le gouvernement est mécontent. Et lors d’un débat parlementaire, l’ancienne première ministre britannique Teresa May a réagi, mercredi : « Qu’est-ce que ça dit de notre pays ? Qu’est-ce que cela dit de l’Otan, que nous soyons entièrement dépendants d’une décision unilatérale des États-Unis ? »
Pourtant il reste encore un problème issue de la retraites des troupes étasuniens de l’Afghanistan. Les réfugié, qui ne sont pas bienvienus en Europe. L’UE s’engage à « soutenir les pays tiers » où arrivent les Afghans « pour renforcer leur capacité à fournir une protection ». « Nous n’avons pas vu d’arrivées importantes d’Afghans dans les pays voisins, mais nous ne savons pas ce qui va se passer dans une semaine ou dans un mois, et nous devons nous préparer à différents scénarios », estime la commissaire européenne aux Affaires intérieures, Ylva Johansson. L’ONU s’attend à un demi-million de réfugiés afghans d’ici à la fin de l’année. Les ministres de l’Intérieur européens preferent que les Afghans « restent près de chez eux et de leur culture ». Ce sont les paroles de Horst Seehofer, ministre de l’Intérieur d’une chancelière Angela Merkel, qui a définitivement tourné le dos à la politique ouverte de l’Allemagne lors de la crise des réfugiés syriens de 2015.
La commissaire européenne Ylva Johansson ne s’en cache pas : les Européens tablent sur le modèle turc. Le régime de Recep Tayyip Erdogan est subventionné de plusieurs centaines de milliards d’euros par an pour servir de garde-chiourme des Vingt-Sept. La Commission devrait présenter un projet d’aide au Pakistan et au Tadjikistan pour s’acquitter de la même tâche. Cette attitude indigne les organisations de défense des droits humains, telle Amnesty International, qui invite à ne pas « reporter la responsabilité de la protection des réfugiés sur des pays tiers ».
La guerre américaine en Afghanistan a duré 20 ans, la plus longue guerre de l’histoire américaine. Désormais, les troupes étatsunien sont partis, après que le président Joe Biden se soit engagé à faire quitter toutes les forces américaines avant le 11 septembre. Les Taliban ont pris triomphalement Kaboul. Les États-Unis ont indiqué qu’ils “travailleront” avec les islamistes s’ils tiennent leurs engagements.
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